Figure 1 shows how the redistributive effect of net migration (measured here by the efficiency ratio, the ratio of net migration to the sum of immigration and emigration) varies by age for two metropolitan areas in Australia and the United Kingdom. Despite large differences in the extent of the area, the economic structure and the history of colonization between these two countries, there is a remarkable similarity in the patterns of internal migration by age. Migration at retirement age is very effective in both countries, as people leave the larger city in retirement and rarely return afterwards. The curves of the subway and non-metros form approximate mirror images of each other. The only major difference between countries is the greater efficiency of migration of younger age groups to Brisbane`s Gold Coast, an attractive holiday and beach region that keeps its young, while the Bristol Coast and Country region (Devon, Cornwall, Dorset) is less successful. Another area of discussion is what the potential impact could be if the human population exceeded more than 8 and 9 billion by 2050. This debate began some time ago with Malthus` theory. Many ecologists believe that man has reached the load capacity of the earth and cannot feed such large populations. Others argue that technology has always been ahead of food shortage concerns and that a high population could be an advantage for less developed countries to improve development. Although politics and geography are important factors in changing migration patterns, migration researchers often cite the economy to explain migration trends. The trend of migrants increasingly living in today`s high-income countries, but coming from middle-income countries, reflects broader changes in the global economy.

With the increase in free trade agreements for goods and services between middle- and high-income countries, passenger transport has also increased. As the human capital and economic aspirations of people in middle-income countries have developed over the past quarter century, more and more of them have been able to take advantage of the opportunities offered by high-income countries. In contrast, people living in low-income countries may want to move, but most do not have the resources to make the trip. Ultimately, the demographic composition of migration flows is important not only because their causes are diverse, but also because it has consequences. In his comparative analysis of Italian and Jewish mobility in New York at the turn of the century, Kessner (1977) pointed out that their patterns of social mobility depended on the different composition of migration flows. Newcomers who arrive as temporary migrants – as “birds of passage”, in Piore`s sentence (1979) – work with the aim of returning home and tolerating the most miserable working conditions to accumulate capital for their investments at home. In contrast, permanent immigrants must shape their future in the new country and cannot tolerate catastrophic and temporary working conditions. Thus, they strive to achieve social mobility in the new society by taking more risks and making longer-term investments, such as. B the creation of family businesses. Both types of migration are reflected in the demographic composition of flows. The flows of temporary migrants, such as Italians or Mexicans, are largely non-family movements of men in the productive years who intend to earn money and return home.

In contrast, flows of permanent immigrants, such as Jews or Cubans, are characterized by the migration of families who intend to reshape their lives and homes. It is quite common for refugee flows – who leave their countries in fear and in search of safety – to be initially dominated by women and children, as in the early years of the Cuban and Indochinese exodus to the United States, a gender imbalance that was later reversed in the Cuban case (Pedraza 1996). As refugees, women are particularly vulnerable to victimization because of violence and indifference to their plight. Chapter 2 of the report discusses the proportion and number of international migrants in national and regional destinations, as well as trends from 1990 to 2013. Chapter 3 discusses the countries of origin of international migrants and trends from 1990 to 2013. Chapter 4 discusses global trends in remittances and compares trends in host countries by income category. For more information, see Appendix A: Methodology and Appendix B, which lists countries listed in the World Bank country categories for high-, middle- and low-income countries. Annex C lists countries according to their regional classification.

Internal migration is defined and distinguished according to its causes and consequences. Most research on migration focuses on the causes. Migration rates are compared in developed countries (Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States have been shown to have high rates), and different migration patterns are described, particularly in terms of age and education. Migration rates have been shown to decrease with age after the early twenties and increase sharply with education. Different theoretical perspectives on migration are discussed (i.e. the perspective of imbalance and the perspective of balance). In addition, various theories of migration are noted, with particular attention to the human capital model. Empirical results that are consistent and incompatible with this model are discussed. Several pressing questions on internal migration are asked, and the state of knowledge on the preconditions for these issues is discussed. The article concludes with a discussion of internal migration policies in Europe and the United States and highlights some critical issues related to this policy.

The review in the previous section examined internal migration patterns for the population as a whole. There are, of course, important differences between different population groups. The variation in the life course of internal migration patterns has been particularly interesting. The relationship between migration intensity and age is well known and has been extensively studied (see Rogers and Castro, 1981). There is also a strong link between the life stage and the orientation of migration in countries subject to counter-urbanisation (see e.B. Illeris 1996 on Denmark). Table 11 shows how the direction of migration varies according to the type of establishment according to the age group in the Netherlands. The trend for all ages is that of small losses of urban cores and small gains for suburban cities and the rural periphery.

Young adults between the ages of 15 and 29 are swimming against this anti-urban current, posting high rates of internal immigration to city centers and high churn rates from suburban and rural cities. This trend is repeated in most other countries with a strong focus on urbanization (United States, Australia, Denmark, United Kingdom). Other eras show losses in city centers and gains in suburban cities and the periphery, although the balance between these two varies from group to group. For example, the strong growth in the number of elderly people (75 years and over) in suburban cities and small increases in the periphery are related to the desire to be close to health and support services. The United States also has a significantly lower emigration rate than most countries. For example, currently, about 1% of Americans live outside their country of birth, compared to about 20% of people born in several Eastern European countries and more than 4% of people born in countries like the United Kingdom and Canada. This report examines the evolution of the international migrant population from 1990 to 2013 and international remittance flows from 2000 to 2013. The migration estimates in this report refer to the total number (or cumulative “stocks”) of migrants living in the world and not to the annual migration rate (or current “flows”). .